Međunarodni institut za bezbednost i Odeljenje za javnu diplomatiju NATO-a proglasili su Čedomira Jovanovića, predsednika Liberalno-demokratske partije (LDP) i poslanika u Skupštini Srbije za prvog dobitnika Priznanja za evroatlantsku ličnost godine. Jovanović je, navodi se u obrazlozenju priznanja,na najkonkretniji način doprineo promociji evroatlantskih vrednosti u Srbiji i jasno je iznosio svoje stavove o ulasku Srbije u NATO, ne kalkulišući sa emocijama biračkog tela. Sudeći prema istrazivanjima javnog mnenja, međutim, još uvek se ne moze govoriti o široko rasprostranjenom razumevanju građana za vrednosti za koje se zalazu LDP i njegov lider. U intervjuu za CorD magazine, Jovanović, između ostalog, odgovara na pitanje gde vidi rešenje tog problema.

“Nema sumnje da Srbija mora postati članica NATO-a, i to brzo, ukoliko želi da se razvija onako kako se razvijaju moderna evropska društva. To je još jedan primer neodgovornog odnosa naših političara prema društvu i gradjanima, političara koji neće da preuzmu odgovornost i koji žele da se sakriju iza referendumskog opredeljenja naroda. Odluka o ulasku u NATO treba da bude politika već ove vlade. To mora da bude izraz političke volje koji govori o dugoročnom opredeljenju, o viziji društva.

Ako može naša vojska da sarađuje sa vojskama zemalja članica NATO-a, na adekvatan način, šta je problem i gde je uzrok nesposobnosti naše politike da prati jedan takav kurs? Parlament je, u vreme vlade Vojislava Koštunice, doneo jednu politikansku odluku. Tada je u Rezoluciju o Kosovu unet i stav, polurečenica o vojnoj neutralnosti Srbije. To nije bila racionalna i razumna odluka, a mi, kao političari, moramo voditi racionalnu i razumnu politiku”, kaze Jovanović.

Zalazete se za ulazak Srbije u Nato. Da li mislite da je to realno, s obzirom na raspolozenje javnosti I skupstinsku vecinu?

Političari moraju da pokrenu to pitanje i stanu iza odluke o ulasku u NATO. Ne može se od sluđenih građana očekivati da to sami učine. Uprkos svemu, stepen podrške ulasku Srbije u NATO raste, i danas je blizu 30 odsto. Cilj LDP je da usporene evrointegracije pokrenemo, da ih vratimo u efikasniji okvir „evroatlantskih integracija“.I Evropska unija i NATO su racionalan izbor za našu zemlju.

Postoje brojni razlozi bezbednosne, političke i ekonomske prirode zbog kojih bi Srbija morala da postavi kao jedan od prioriteta u svojoj spoljnopolitičkoj orijentaciji pitanje članstva u NATO. Ovaj savez je važan za Srbiju zato što počiva na zajedničkim vrednostima – demokratskom poretku, zaštiti građanskih i manjinskih prava, tržišnoj ekonomiji, vladavini prava, kao i zajedničkojodbrani i solidarnosti u slučaju ugroženosti svake države članice.

Zašto u Skupštini Srbije niste podrzali Deklaraciju o osudi zločina u Srebrenici?

LDP nije mogao da glasa za tekst koji je više vodio računa o potrebama vladajuće koalicije, nego o potrebama društva. Ako društvo želi jasniju i čistiju politiku – a želi jer su to normalni ljudi koji brinu o svojoj deci – onda treba ubuduće da glasa za stranku koja se tako politički postavlja. LDP je uradio sve što je mogao. Otvorili smo temu odnosa prema Srebrenici, nudili rešenje: navođenje da se u Srebrenici dogodio genocid, zahtev da saopštimo ovom društvu da je Mladić optužen za genocid i najteže ratne zločine, ako već ne možemo da ga uhapsimo, da 11. jul proglasimo Danom sećanja i pokažemo da iskreno prihvatamo stav svakog od 500 miliona Evropljana, iskazan u rezoluciji Evropskog parlamenta.

Da li će skupštinsko usvajanje Deklaracije o Srebrenici moći da unapredi odnose u regionu?

Bez obzira na sve nedostatke, dobro je što je tema Srebrenice i politika koje su je stvorile otvorena. Srbija mora pomoći sebi tako što će postati deo rešenja svakog značajnijeg problema u regionu. Na toj platformi i specifičnim pitanjima koja opterećuju odnose i zajedničku budućnost u EU i NATO, Srbija treba da prevazilazi probleme i traži pozitivne tačke savezništva u regionu.

S obzirom na podeljenost parlamenta na tim teskim pitanjima, da li mislite da je Srbija u stanju da prošlost zaista ostavi iza sebe i okrene se rešavanju aktuelnih zivotnih pitanja?

LDP je spremna, kao i do sada, da podrži svaki evropski projekat ili zakonski predlog, ali to ne možemo da činimo ako odmah ne dobijemo preciznu strategiju unutrašnjih reformi, povećanja efikasnosti institucija, sprovođenja donetih zakona, obuzdavanja ekonomskog populizma.

Naše društvo sigurno ima potencijal za tako nešto. Nažalost, i protiv toga se LDP bori. Ima političara u Srbiji kojima savršeno odgovara ova pozicija Srbije: podneta kandidatura, a onda potpuni zastoj u unutrašnjim reformama, povremeno patriotsko “guslanje”, ohrabrivanje ministra spoljnih poslova koji maltretira i nervira susede Srbije u regionu. To je pogrešan put, ne samo zato što to užasno utiče na odnos EU i drugih važnih partnera prema našoj zemlji.

LDP nije podrzala zahtev nekih opozicionih stranaka za raspisivanje prevremenih izbora. Pored nekih slučajeva davanja podrške vladajućoj koaliciji u parlamentu, koja je bila ključna za usvajanje odredjenih zakona (kao sto je Zakon o informisanju) to je jedan od razloga ocene da se ne zna da li je LDP stranka vlasti ili opozicije. Kakva je, zapravo, pozicija LDP?

LDP je od izbora 2008. godine vrlo dosledno i bez obzira na povremeno nerazumevanje kojem je bila izložena, podržala svaki politički korak ili odluku koja je donosila makar minimalnu korist za Srbiju u procesu pridruživanja Evropskoj uniji.

Ljudi razumeju da ne možemo da budemo opozicija društvu samo zato što nismo na vlasti. Snažno podržavamo proevropsku orijentaciju, ali nećemo da ćutimo pred činjenicom da Vlada vodi katastrofalnu ekonomsku politiku. Cilj je da stvorimo uslove za pobedu politike „Evropa bez kompromisa“ na narednim izborima, izborima čije raspisivanje LDP traži odmah posle prihvatanja podnete kandidature za članstvo Srbije u Uniji. Zbog toga politička borba za što brži ulazak u punopravno članstvo Evropske unije mora i u 2010. godini ostati beskompromisna.

Izrazili ste zabrinutost zbog ostavke guvernera Narodne banke Srbije Radovana Jelašića? Šta je, po vašem mišljenju, prouzrokovalo njegov čin ?

LDP je najžešća opozicija ekonomskoj politici sadašnje vlasti. Srbija je ovih dana, prvi put, uzela komercijalni kredit od druge države, konkretno od Rusije, za pokriće budžetskog deficita. Mehanizmi koji su stajali na raspolaganju su potrošeni i to je poruka guvernera koji se povukao. Sve što se dešavalo oko njega, ekspanzija populizma, najava keš kredita, pritisak na kurs, sve su to bili upaljači za njegovu odluku.

Svi govore o rastu privrede, ali nije jasno kako je on moguć, ako se ne planira siguran izvor za povećanu privednu i ekonomsku aktivnost. Jedini realan model rasta je onaj koji generiše povećanje ulaganja koje bi došlo iz domaće štednje. To znači da je potrebno značajno povećanje izvoza, da kurs ne deluje negativno po konkurentnost privrede, smanjenje zaposlenih u javnom sektoru i smanjenje poreza.

Gde je, prema vašem mišljenju, izlaz iz teške ekonomske situacije?

Hitno moramo da napravimo zaokret, kao društvo i država, i nikada više ne smemo koristiti ni MMF ni bilo koji drugi bankarski kredit samo za krpljenje budžetskih rupa, uz beskrajno odlaganje ozbiljnih reformi. To odlaganje danas plaćamo kroz monetarnu nestabilnost i zaustavljeni privredni rast, koji na godišnjem nivou pričinjava štetu koja se meri milijardama i izgubljenim godinama.

LDP smatra da ključne mere nove ekonomske politike Srbije treba da budu: poreska i reforma javnog sektora, beskompromisne evropske integracije, fleksibilan kurs i depolitizacija fiskalne politike, reindustrijalizacija kroz korišćenje potencijala domaće štednje za ulaganja u budući izvoz, ubrzanje privatizacije, povećanje konkurencije i demonopolizacija.

Na osnovu cega ste, na nedavnoj sednici Glavnog odbora stranke, najavili izbore za sledeću godinu?Ima li ta najava veze sa prodajom Telekoma?

Vlada ne može do kraja mandata da čuva popularnost i izbegava teške odluke. Sve poruke LDP su ostale usamljene zbog populizma koji je osnov ekonomske politike vlasti. Samo u 2009. godini društveni proizvod je realno pao za 4 odsto. Potencijalna stopa rasta je 5 odsto, to znači da smo izgubili čak 9 odsto mogućeg razvoja. Gubitak se meri milijardama.

Zato moramo ovu godinu da posvetimo pripremi za normalne izbore. To je trenutak kada ulazak Srbije u EU bude izvestan, kada izborimo pozitivan odgovor na kandidaturu. Očekujemo da će se to dogoditi u narednih godinu dana i tada je vreme za izbore.

Kako ocenjujete praksu da se rukovodjenje javnim preduzecima deli kao plen stranaka posle izbora? Da li LDP, na bilo koji nacin, ucestvuje u tome?

Ne, ne učestvujemo ni na jedan način. Mi smo čak i za politička mesta, recimo u gradskoj upravi, podržali ljude koji nisu članovi LDP. U ustanovama i preduzećima gde smo za to imali prilike, prvi put u istoriji je sproveden javni konkurs. To je sada u Beogradu standard, odredba Statuta Grada, i više niko neće moći da imenuje partijski menadžment, onako kako radi republička vlast.

Javna preduzeća, politički patronat i neefikasnost u njima ne mogu se večno tolerisati. Važno je za srpsku ekomoniju i sve građane da u budućnosti izbegnemo ono što se upravo dešava Jat Airways-u. Bolje je da se ovi problemi odmah reše, da se Srbijagas, NIS i drugi tzv. giganti spreme za normalno tržište, nego da se uskoro, na nekoj novoj telefonskoj sednici Vlade i slično slučaju JAT-a, donese odluka o gašenju kompanije, bez plana i programa, i osnivanju nove u koju će ući imovina, dok će građanima na teretu ostati dugovi, gubici i ogromne obaveze.

Imate razgranate međunarodne kontakte. Kojim pitanjima se u susretima sa međunarodnim zvaničnicima najčešće bavite? Da li za nešto lobirate?

Evropski liberali i reformisti, okupljeni oko ELDR, u nama vide Srbiju koja ima snage da se menja, odgovara izazovima i funkcioniše po principima liberalne demokratije. Taj kontakt i poverenje smo već nekoliko puta koristili u korist evroatlantskih integracija Srbije. Najviše radimo sa nemačkim, britanskim, švedskim liberalima, kao i sa regionalnim liberalnim strankama. Naš pristup je bio veoma važan u donošenju odluke Holandije da dozvoli primenu Trgovinskog sporazuma, a u regionu imamo veliku podršku za brzu integraciju Srbije i celog regiona u NATO i EU.

Gde se, prema vasem misljenju, Srbija najvise saplice na evropskom putu i sta je moguce uciniti da se taj put ubrza?

Evropske integracije Srbije ušle su ponovo, početkom ove godine, u periodzastoja za koji postoje ozbiljni, uglavnom unutrašnji, politički razlozi. Inicijativa mora da dolazi od nas samih, zato što se radi o procesu za koji Srbija mora biti najviše zainteresovana i najaktivnija.

Propustili smo šansu na regionalnom samitu u Sloveniji, ali Srbija mora biti učesnik i pozitivna vest sa skupa Evropske unije i zemalja regiona u Sarajevu. Samo tako se može ispuniti ambicija da budemo lideri, u onoj meri u kojoj nam to sopstveni interesi i još uvek slabe performanse dozvoljavaju.

Portal www.ldp.rs vam prenosi verziju intervjua na engleskom jeziku

NATO NOW!

The International Institute of Security and NATO’s Public Diplomacy Division voted Čedomir Jovanović, President of Liberal Democratic Party and MP in the National Assembly of Serbia, as the first laureate of the Award for the Euro-Atlantic Person of the Year. Jovanović, as stated in a commentary accompanying the award, has con-tributed to the promotion of Euro-Atlantic values in Serbia in the most concrete way, and has clearly spoken his mind on topics like Serbia’s joining NATO, without any calculations about the electorate’s emotions. However, according to public polls, it is still not possible to speak out about the widely-spread understanding of the citizens for values promoted by the LDP and its leader. In an interview for CorD magazine, Jovanović, among other things, answers the question where the solution to this problem lies. Čedomir Jovanović, President of the Liberal Democratic Party
By Vera DIDANOVIC

“There is no doubt that Serbia must very soon become a NATO member if it wants to develop as a modern European country should. It is onemore example of our politicians’ irresponsibility towards society and citizens, of those politicians who refuse to take responsibility and who want to hide behind the people’s referendum choice. The decision about joining NATO should be above this Government. It has to be an expression of political will that speaks about long-term commitment, about a vision for this society.

If our army can adequately cooperate with the armies of NATO member countries, why is it a problem and what is the cause of our politics’ incompetence to stay on such a course? The Parliament, during the time when Vojislav Koštunica was in power, reached a rather cheap political decision. Back then, the Kosovo Resolution got a paragraph, half of a sentence about the military neutrality of Serbia. That was not a rational and reasonable decision, and we, as politicians, must lead rational and reasonable politics,” Jovanović says.

You are for Serbia joining NATO. Do you feel that this is realistic, taking into consideration public opinion and Parliamentary majority?

Politicians must raise that question and stand behind their decision about joining NATO. Distraught citizens could not be expected to do so. Despite everything, the rate of support for Serbia to join NATO is growing, and today it is almost 30 per cent. The aim of LDP is to speed up lethargic Euro-integrations, to bring them back into the frame of `Euro-Atlantic integrations.’ Both the European Union and NATO are rational choices for our country. There are numerous security, political, and economic reasons why Serbia should set the question of joining NATO as one of its priorities in its foreign-political orientation. This alliance is important for Serbia since it is based on common values: democratic order, protection of citizen and minority rights, market economy, rule of law, as well as common defense and solidarity in case of endangerment of any member.

Why did not you support the Srebrenica Declaration in the National Assembly?

LDP could not vote for a text that paid more attention to the needs of the ruling coalition than to those of society. If society wants clearer, cleaner politics, and it does, since this society is made up of normal people who care about their children, then in the future society should vote for the party which has such political representation. We opened the topic of our stand on Srebrenica. We offered solutions: saying that genocide took place in Srebrenica, requesting that at least the people be told that Mladić has been accused of genocide and the harshest war crimes, that if we cannot arrest him, to proclaim July 11th as Remembrance Day to show that we sincerely accept the attitude of of 500 million Europeans, as stated in the resolution of the European Parliament.

Would the adoption of the Srebrenica Declaration in Parliament be able to promote regional relations?

Regardless of all its flaws, it is a good thing that the subject of Srebrenica and the politics which started it became open. Serbia must help itself by becoming part of the solution of each significant problem in the region. On that platform and specific questions which burden the relations and common future in EU and NATO, Serbia should overcome these problems and look for the bright side of a regional partnership.

Taking into consideration the division in the Parliament on some difficult questions, do you think that Serbia is capable of leaving the past behind to focus on the solution to current life matters?

LDP is ready, as it has been so far, to support any European project or legal suggestion, but we cannot do so if we do not receive a precise strategy for inner reforms, enhancement of institutional efficiency, execution of adopted laws, and restraining economic populism. Our society certainly has the potential for something like that. Unfortunately, LDP fights against it. There are politicians in Serbia who are perfectly at ease with the current position of Serbia: our candidacy has been submitted, followed by a complete cease in inner reforms, singing of the occasional patriotic song accompanied by a ‘gusle’, and encouraging the minister of foreign affairs to mistreat and annoy Serbia’s neighbours in the region. It is the wrong way, and not only because it influences in a terrible manner Serbia’s relations with the EU and other important partners of our country.

LDP did not support the request of some opposition parties to schedule early elections. Alongside some instances of supporting the ruling coalition in the Parliament, which was the main factor for adopting certain laws in the Parliament (like the Information Act), that is one of the reasons that it is not clear whether LDP is for or against the ruling coalition. What is LDP’s true stand?

Since the 2008 election, LDP has been very consistent, despite of occasional misunderstandings it came across, in supporting every political step or decision which brought at least minimal benefit to Serbia in the process of joining the EU. People know that we cannot be the opposition to the society just because we are not in power. We strongly support pro-European orientation, but we refuse to be silent before the fact the Government is leading a catastrophic economic policy. It is our aim to create conditions for the victory of ‘Europe without compromises’ policy at the next elections, whose scheduling is demanded by LDP right after the acceptance of the submitted candidacy for membership in the EU. That is why the political struggle for the faster full membership in the EU must and will be non-compromising in 2010.

You have expressed your concern over the resignation of the Governor of the National Bank of Serbia, Radovan Jelašić. In your opinion, what caused that act on his side?

LDP is the toughest opposition to the current economic policy. For the first time, Serbia took a credit from another country, namely from Russia, so that it could cover the budget deficit. The mechanisms at disposal ran out and that is the message of the Governor’s retreat. Everything that was happening around him, the expansion of populism, the announcement of cash credits, pressure on the currency, were triggers for such a decision on his part. Everybody is talking about economic growth, but it is not clear how it is possible, if no sure export for larger economic activity is planned. The only realistic model of growth is the one which generates investments coming from domestic savings. This means that a larger export, annihilation of negative influence of the exchange rate on the competitiveness of the economy, letting go of employees in the public sector, and tax reduction are needed.

In your opinion, how can we get out of this difficult economic situation?

We must make a U-turn as soon as possible, both as a state and as a society, and we must never again use an MMF or any other banking credit for filling up budgetary holes or postponing indefinitely serious reforms. We are paying for that postponement through monetary instability and a cessation of economic growth, which on a yearly level causes damage measured in billions and years lost.LDP thinks that the key measurements of the new economic policy of Serbia should be: tax reform and reform of the public sector, uncompromising European integrations, flexible exchange rate and depolitization of fiscal policy, re-industrialization through potentials of domestic saving for investing into future exports, speeding up privatization, competitiveness reinforcement, and de monopolization.

On what did you base the election the next year you announced at a recent meeting of your party’s main board? Does that announcement have anything to do with the sale of Telekom?

The Government cannot maintain its popularity until the end of its term and avoid difficult decisions. All LDP’s messages stood alone, due to the populism which is the basis for the economic policy of those in power. In 2009 alone, the GNP dropped by 4%. The potential growth rate is 5%, meaning that we have lost 9% of possible growth. That loss is measured in billions. This is why we have to dedicate ourselves to preparations for normal elections. That is the moment when Serbia’s membership in the EU is certain, when we get the green light for our candidacy. We expect that to happen in the next year and that will be the right time for the elections.

What do you think of the practice of distributing the management of public companies as loot among the parties after the elections? Is LDP, in any way, participating in it?

No, we do not participate in any way. We even support people who are not LDP members for positions in local governments. In institutions and companies where we had the chance to do so, a public competition was organized for the first time. It is a standard here in Belgrade, it is an article in the City Statute, and never again shall an individual have the possibility to name party management, the way it is being done by state authorities. The political patronage and inefficiency in public companies cannot be tolerated forever. It is important for Serbian economy and all citizens to avoid in the future what is happening to JAT Airways now. It is better to solve all of these problems now, so that ‘Srbijagas’, NIS, and other so-called giants can get ready for a normal market, rather than at some new telephone conference of the Government and similar to JAT’s case, a decision about closing the company without any plan and programme is reached, along with starting a new company with the assets of the old one, all the while leaving debts, losses, and enormous obligations to citizens.

You have well-branched political contacts. What are your most frequent topics in conversations with international officials? Are you lobbying for anything?

European liberals and reformers gathered around ELDR see in us Serbia with the strength to change, to respond to challenges, and to function on the principles of liberal democracy. That contact and trust we have used several times for Serbia’s Euro-Atlantic integrations. We try the hardest with German, British, and Swedish liberals, as well as with regional liberal parties. Our approach is very important in Holland in reaching a decision to allow application of the Trade agreement, and we have large regional support for Serbia’s rapid integration and that of the entire region in the EU and NATO.

In your opinion, what is Serbia’s biggest stumbling block on its European path and what can we do to speed it up?

Serbia’s European integrations have slowed down once again at the beginning of the year, and there are serious, mostly political reasons for that. The initiative must come from us alone, because this is a process in which Serbia must be the most interested and the most active. We missed our chance at last year’s regional summit in Slovenia, but Serbia must be a participant and in positive news from the meeting of the EU and counties in the region in Sarajevo. That is the only way to fulfill our ambition to be leaders, as much as our interests and still weak performances allow us to be.